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Katie Kitamura's Intimacies Is an Elegant Dance Between a Translator and a War Criminal

By Hamilton Cain

 

    The narrator of Intimacies, Katie Kitamura’s new novel, comes to us with a minimum of backstory. An only child, she’s traded New York for The Hague in the aftermath of her father’s death and her mother’s move to Singapore. Multilingual, she works as a translator for the World Court, speaking in English and French for defendants charged with heinous crimes, among them a war criminal.

    As in A Separation, her previous novel, Kitamura digs deep into the quixotic nature of marriage, whether a person can ever truly know another. The work of a relationship is serious business, the prosecution of war crimes even graver.

    The narrator embraces her new role: “If a joke was made it was the interpreter’s job to communicate the humor or attempt at humor; similarly, when something was said ironically it was important to indicate that the words were not to be taken at face value.” Translation, then, is less a linear progression and more a winding journey, twisted by abrupt forks and dead ends. In crystalline prose, Kitamura probes the labyrinths of language and the riddles of our humanity.

    As with all labyrinths, a Minotaur lurks at the heart. The narrator is assigned to translate for a West African “former president” accused of ethnic cleansing. He’s undeniably charismatic. Kitamura is drawn to seductions, sexual and otherwise; and this monster works his charm on her narrator, compromising her psychologically and eventually her translations, too.

     Love, it turns out, is also suspect. When her relationship with her lover deteriorates, the narrator throws herself into the trial. The further she ventures into the case, the cloudier her ethical clarity becomes; and she fears the former president is playing her like a violin. She feels grounded only when a brave 20-year-old eyewitness recounts the murders of her father and brothers. “Her voice remained low and firm,” the narrator observes. “She spoke with great deliberation, so that each word was like a link in a chain and the entire thing held fast, even as it moved across languages.”

(Adapted from https://www.oprahdaily.com)

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Katie Kitamura's Intimacies Is an Elegant Dance Between a Translator and a War Criminal

By Hamilton Cain

 

    The narrator of Intimacies, Katie Kitamura’s new novel, comes to us with a minimum of backstory. An only child, she’s traded New York for The Hague in the aftermath of her father’s death and her mother’s move to Singapore. Multilingual, she works as a translator for the World Court, speaking in English and French for defendants charged with heinous crimes, among them a war criminal.

    As in A Separation, her previous novel, Kitamura digs deep into the quixotic nature of marriage, whether a person can ever truly know another. The work of a relationship is serious business, the prosecution of war crimes even graver.

    The narrator embraces her new role: “If a joke was made it was the interpreter’s job to communicate the humor or attempt at humor; similarly, when something was said ironically it was important to indicate that the words were not to be taken at face value.” Translation, then, is less a linear progression and more a winding journey, twisted by abrupt forks and dead ends. In crystalline prose, Kitamura probes the labyrinths of language and the riddles of our humanity.

    As with all labyrinths, a Minotaur lurks at the heart. The narrator is assigned to translate for a West African “former president” accused of ethnic cleansing. He’s undeniably charismatic. Kitamura is drawn to seductions, sexual and otherwise; and this monster works his charm on her narrator, compromising her psychologically and eventually her translations, too.

     Love, it turns out, is also suspect. When her relationship with her lover deteriorates, the narrator throws herself into the trial. The further she ventures into the case, the cloudier her ethical clarity becomes; and she fears the former president is playing her like a violin. She feels grounded only when a brave 20-year-old eyewitness recounts the murders of her father and brothers. “Her voice remained low and firm,” the narrator observes. “She spoke with great deliberation, so that each word was like a link in a chain and the entire thing held fast, even as it moved across languages.”

(Adapted from https://www.oprahdaily.com)

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If prisoners are to help with the UK’s labour shortages, they must not be exploited

By Frances Crook

 

    Food manufacturers have called on ministers to alleviate labour shortages by allowing them to employ prisoners. This comes as other firms, from transportation companies to supermarkets, are also finding themselves short of workers for reasons relating to Brexit and the pandemic. Prisoners could indeed help out, if they are given the opportunity to do real work for a real wage – but a lot would need to change to make this happen, not least the prisons.

    Very few prisoners have the opportunity to do real work, and many would jump at the chance to get out of their cells and do something useful and social that would give them money to support their families and buy little luxuries like soap, some extra food and even enrol in education programmes.

    There are two groups of prisoners who can come to the aid of business. The first and easiest to get working are the 3,000 men and women in England and Wales held in open prisons who have been assessed as low-risk and who are coming to the end of their sentence. Some are already employed outside through the “release on temporary licence” (ROTL) system, which is an important part of the process for the resettlement and rehabilitation of prisoners. It is a key element for the preparation of their safe release as it gives them the chance to organise work, housing and re-establish relationships with families and their communities. The second group are the 40,000 men, and a handful of women, serving long sentences, many of whom will simply idle for years and years unless progress is made.

     If prisoners are to be employed to work for private companies, then they should have workers’ rights, be paid the same rate for the job as anyone else, and pay tax and national insurance. They must not be exploited as cheap labour to take on the roles for which companies do not want to raise wages. Public acceptance of such endeavours will depend on prisoners competing fairly with people in the community and not being used to undercut or undermine working conditions.

    The barrier to expanding opportunities also lies with the extremely risk-averse attitude in the Prison Service. Currently, prisons are restricted as to how many people may apply for work in the community, but this could easily be expanded. Prisons would need to focus on getting people work-ready, which means providing practical things such as showers, breakfast, transport and encouragement. Companies would prosper, but so would the wider community, as we all know that having a job – along with having somewhere to live and someone to care for you – provides the best hope for successful reintegration after release.

     For those serving long sentences, the work available in prisons is dull, demeaning and poorly remunerated. There is perhaps the chance to do a bit of cleaning prison wings for pocket money, but little else. It leads nowhere and, compared with crime, lacks excitement. If we offer the opportunity to long-termers to be gainfully employed during their sentence, they can save for release, pay tax and national insurance and contribute to a pension scheme. They would be citizens, but behind bars.

    This can only be done if prisons allow businesses to run independently inside. There are lots of low-security prisons with huge, barely used workshops that could be turned over to manufacturing, packing and processing companies to employ prisoners inside the jail directly. Prisons cannot run businesses, so outside firms must move in. The state should be responsible for security and safety, but there is no reason that private enterprise could not do exactly as it does in the community.

(Adapted from https://www.theguardian.com)

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If prisoners are to help with the UK’s labour shortages, they must not be exploited

By Frances Crook

 

    Food manufacturers have called on ministers to alleviate labour shortages by allowing them to employ prisoners. This comes as other firms, from transportation companies to supermarkets, are also finding themselves short of workers for reasons relating to Brexit and the pandemic. Prisoners could indeed help out, if they are given the opportunity to do real work for a real wage – but a lot would need to change to make this happen, not least the prisons.

    Very few prisoners have the opportunity to do real work, and many would jump at the chance to get out of their cells and do something useful and social that would give them money to support their families and buy little luxuries like soap, some extra food and even enrol in education programmes.

    There are two groups of prisoners who can come to the aid of business. The first and easiest to get working are the 3,000 men and women in England and Wales held in open prisons who have been assessed as low-risk and who are coming to the end of their sentence. Some are already employed outside through the “release on temporary licence” (ROTL) system, which is an important part of the process for the resettlement and rehabilitation of prisoners. It is a key element for the preparation of their safe release as it gives them the chance to organise work, housing and re-establish relationships with families and their communities. The second group are the 40,000 men, and a handful of women, serving long sentences, many of whom will simply idle for years and years unless progress is made.

     If prisoners are to be employed to work for private companies, then they should have workers’ rights, be paid the same rate for the job as anyone else, and pay tax and national insurance. They must not be exploited as cheap labour to take on the roles for which companies do not want to raise wages. Public acceptance of such endeavours will depend on prisoners competing fairly with people in the community and not being used to undercut or undermine working conditions.

    The barrier to expanding opportunities also lies with the extremely risk-averse attitude in the Prison Service. Currently, prisons are restricted as to how many people may apply for work in the community, but this could easily be expanded. Prisons would need to focus on getting people work-ready, which means providing practical things such as showers, breakfast, transport and encouragement. Companies would prosper, but so would the wider community, as we all know that having a job – along with having somewhere to live and someone to care for you – provides the best hope for successful reintegration after release.

     For those serving long sentences, the work available in prisons is dull, demeaning and poorly remunerated. There is perhaps the chance to do a bit of cleaning prison wings for pocket money, but little else. It leads nowhere and, compared with crime, lacks excitement. If we offer the opportunity to long-termers to be gainfully employed during their sentence, they can save for release, pay tax and national insurance and contribute to a pension scheme. They would be citizens, but behind bars.

    This can only be done if prisons allow businesses to run independently inside. There are lots of low-security prisons with huge, barely used workshops that could be turned over to manufacturing, packing and processing companies to employ prisoners inside the jail directly. Prisons cannot run businesses, so outside firms must move in. The state should be responsible for security and safety, but there is no reason that private enterprise could not do exactly as it does in the community.

(Adapted from https://www.theguardian.com)

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“Struggle for Life” movement becomes largest Indigenous mobilization in Brazilian history

By Alexandra Baumhardt

 

    Some 6,000 people have flooded Brazil’s capital Brasília in recent weeks as the nation’s Supreme Court weighs a case that could impact hundreds of Indigenous land claims and set a precedent for more. The “Struggle for Life” movement, led by Indigenous leaders from across the country, has become the largest mobilization of Indigenous peoples in Brazil’s history, according to the advocacy group Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB).

    In the case being heard, Brazil’s Supreme Court will decide whether land claims brought by the Indigenous Xokleng tribe in Santa Catarina state are legitimate and whether some 24,000 hectares of land should be returned to them.

    Until now, the state has only recognized tribal land occupied by Indigenous peoples since the ratification of Brazil’s Constitution on October 5, 1988. For the Xokleng today, that amounts to 14,000 hectares. Much of the land that the Xokleng are hoping to reclaim, including a nature reserve from which they were recently evicted by the state, has been turned over to farming and ranching.

    If the court rules that the state’s previous 1988 cutoff was too narrow, and that land claims predating 1988 deserve to be heard and even legitimized, it could set the precedent for many more land claims from tribes across the country and result in better protection against deforestation in the Amazon.

(Adapted from https://news.globallandscapesforum.org)

 

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On May 13, 1888, Brazilian Princess Isabel of Bragança signed Imperial Law number 3,353. it contained just 18 words, it is

 

one of the most important pieces of legislation in Brazilian history. Called the “Golden Law,” it abolished slavery in all its forms.

(Adapted from https://www.wilsoncenter.org)

 

A palavra que melhor completa a lacuna I do texto é