Questões de Inglês

1 The primary cause for the Arab-Israeli conflict lies in

the claim of two national movements on the same land, and

particularly the Arab refusal to accept Jewish self4

determination to hold part of that land. Furthermore

fundamentalist religious concepts regarding the right of either

side to the entire land have played an increasing role, on the

7 Jewish side particularly in the religious settler movement, on

the Palestinian side in the Hamas and similar groups. But

whereas the settlers received a blow when they failed to

10 prevent the disengagement from the Gaza Strip, Hamas won the

Palestinian elections, and after their breakup with Fatah and

their take-over of the Gaza Strip, they remain a dominant force

13 capable of blocking any peace agreement.

The Arab-Israeli conflict is further complicated by

preconceptions and demonizing of the other by both sides. The

16 Israelis see around them mostly undemocratic Arab states with

underdeveloped economies, backward cultural and social

standards and an aggressive religion inciting to hatred and

19 terrorism. The Arabs consider the Israelis colonial invaders and

conquerors, who are aiming to control the entire Middle East.

Since the Oslo peace process however, a broad

22 consensus has been formed that an independent Palestinian

Arab state should be established within the areas occupied in

1967. Polls on both sides show that majorities among Israelis

25 and Palestinians accept a two-state solution, but Palestinians

almost unanimously stick to the right of return of the refugees

to Israel, and most Israelis oppose a Palestinian capital in East

28 Jerusalem.

Internet: <www.israel-palestina.info> (adapted).

1 Climate change may not be responsible for the recent

skyrocketing cost of natural disasters, but it is very likely that

it will impact future catastrophes. Climate models provide a

4 glimpse of the future, and while they do not agree on all of the

details, most models predict a few general trends. According to

the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, an increase of

7 greenhouse gases in the atmosphere will probably boost

temperatures over most land surfaces, though the exact change

will vary regionally. More uncertain — but possible —

10 outcomes of an increase in global temperatures include

increased risk of drought and increased intensity of storms,

including tropical cyclones with higher wind speeds, a wetter

13 Asian monsoon, and, possibly, more intense mid-latitude

storms.

Internet: <http://earthobservatory.nasa.gov> (adapted).

1 Climate change may not be responsible for the recent

skyrocketing cost of natural disasters, but it is very likely that

it will impact future catastrophes. Climate models provide a

4 glimpse of the future, and while they do not agree on all of the

details, most models predict a few general trends. According to

the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, an increase of

7 greenhouse gases in the atmosphere will probably boost

temperatures over most land surfaces, though the exact change

will vary regionally. More uncertain — but possible —

10 outcomes of an increase in global temperatures include

increased risk of drought and increased intensity of storms,

including tropical cyclones with higher wind speeds, a wetter

13 Asian monsoon, and, possibly, more intense mid-latitude

storms.

Internet: <http://earthobservatory.nasa.gov> (adapted).

Egypt’s War on Atheism

By MONA ELTAHAWY

  CAIRO — It took one session on Jan. 10 for a court in the Nile Delta province of Beheira to sentence Karim al-Banna, a 21-year-old student, to three years in prison for saying on Facebook that he was an atheist. The student’s lawyer complained that he was denied the right even to present a defense, but an equally chilling aspect of Mr. Banna’s case is that his father testified against him. 

  Also telling is that Mr. Banna was originally arrested, in November, when he went to the police to complain that his neighbors were harassing him. This was after his name had appeared in a local newspaper on a list of known atheists. Instead of protecting him, the police accused him of insulting Islam. 

  Such tag teams of family, media and state are not uncommon in cases against atheists. Because atheism itself is not illegal in Egypt, charges are laid under laws against blasphemy or contempt for religion. Similar charges have been used for political purposes against Egypt’s Christian minority. 

  It is no surprise that Mr. Banna’s conviction occurred on the watch of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the former army general who led the ouster of Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood to become president. Regardless of which way the seesaw of power in Egypt tips — toward the Islamists or toward the military — it is always a heterosexual, conservative Muslim man who heads the moral hierarchy. The further from that identity you are, the more vulnerable you are. 

  Nowhere is this morality power play exercised more vehemently than in curbing  perceived religious and sex crimes. Hence Egypt’s witch hunt against gay men. Rights activists say that 2014 was the worst year in a decade for gay people in Egypt, with at least 150 men arrested or put on trial. Same-sex relationships are not illegal, but gay men are targeted under “debauchery” laws. 

  In a speech this month honoring the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, Mr. Sisi called on Muslim leaders in Egypt to start a “religious revolution” to counter the jihadist message of the Islamic State. He also sent his foreign minister to the solidarity march after the attacks in Paris at the office of the magazine Charlie Hebdo and a kosher supermarket. 

  The contradiction in Mr. Sisi’s aim of keeping the heterosexual, conservative Muslim man at the top of Egypt’s moral hierarchy is glaring. You can’t trump the Islamists in their piety and lead a campaign against minorities like atheists and gay men even as you condemn extremist violence and show solidarity for free speech and free thinking. 

  Despite the clampdown, atheists are openly challenging such hypocrisy. Social media has allowed those who “deviate” from the authoritarian template to find one another and express themselves in ways that the regime, its men of religion and its media otherwise deny them. 

(adapted from nytimes.com, January 27th , 2015 )

Egypt’s War on Atheism

By MONA ELTAHAWY

  CAIRO — It took one session on Jan. 10 for a court in the Nile Delta province of Beheira to sentence Karim al-Banna, a 21-year-old student, to three years in prison for saying on Facebook that he was an atheist. The student’s lawyer complained that he was denied the right even to present a defense, but an equally chilling aspect of Mr. Banna’s case is that his father testified against him. 

  Also telling is that Mr. Banna was originally arrested, in November, when he went to the police to complain that his neighbors were harassing him. This was after his name had appeared in a local newspaper on a list of known atheists. Instead of protecting him, the police accused him of insulting Islam. 

  Such tag teams of family, media and state are not uncommon in cases against atheists. Because atheism itself is not illegal in Egypt, charges are laid under laws against blasphemy or contempt for religion. Similar charges have been used for political purposes against Egypt’s Christian minority. 

  It is no surprise that Mr. Banna’s conviction occurred on the watch of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the former army general who led the ouster of Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood to become president. Regardless of which way the seesaw of power in Egypt tips — toward the Islamists or toward the military — it is always a heterosexual, conservative Muslim man who heads the moral hierarchy. The further from that identity you are, the more vulnerable you are. 

  Nowhere is this morality power play exercised more vehemently than in curbing  perceived religious and sex crimes. Hence Egypt’s witch hunt against gay men. Rights activists say that 2014 was the worst year in a decade for gay people in Egypt, with at least 150 men arrested or put on trial. Same-sex relationships are not illegal, but gay men are targeted under “debauchery” laws. 

  In a speech this month honoring the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, Mr. Sisi called on Muslim leaders in Egypt to start a “religious revolution” to counter the jihadist message of the Islamic State. He also sent his foreign minister to the solidarity march after the attacks in Paris at the office of the magazine Charlie Hebdo and a kosher supermarket. 

  The contradiction in Mr. Sisi’s aim of keeping the heterosexual, conservative Muslim man at the top of Egypt’s moral hierarchy is glaring. You can’t trump the Islamists in their piety and lead a campaign against minorities like atheists and gay men even as you condemn extremist violence and show solidarity for free speech and free thinking. 

  Despite the clampdown, atheists are openly challenging such hypocrisy. Social media has allowed those who “deviate” from the authoritarian template to find one another and express themselves in ways that the regime, its men of religion and its media otherwise deny them. 

(adapted from nytimes.com, January 27th , 2015 )

Egypt’s War on Atheism

By MONA ELTAHAWY

  CAIRO — It took one session on Jan. 10 for a court in the Nile Delta province of Beheira to sentence Karim al-Banna, a 21-year-old student, to three years in prison for saying on Facebook that he was an atheist. The student’s lawyer complained that he was denied the right even to present a defense, but an equally chilling aspect of Mr. Banna’s case is that his father testified against him. 

  Also telling is that Mr. Banna was originally arrested, in November, when he went to the police to complain that his neighbors were harassing him. This was after his name had appeared in a local newspaper on a list of known atheists. Instead of protecting him, the police accused him of insulting Islam. 

  Such tag teams of family, media and state are not uncommon in cases against atheists. Because atheism itself is not illegal in Egypt, charges are laid under laws against blasphemy or contempt for religion. Similar charges have been used for political purposes against Egypt’s Christian minority. 

  It is no surprise that Mr. Banna’s conviction occurred on the watch of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the former army general who led the ouster of Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood to become president. Regardless of which way the seesaw of power in Egypt tips — toward the Islamists or toward the military — it is always a heterosexual, conservative Muslim man who heads the moral hierarchy. The further from that identity you are, the more vulnerable you are. 

  Nowhere is this morality power play exercised more vehemently than in curbing  perceived religious and sex crimes. Hence Egypt’s witch hunt against gay men. Rights activists say that 2014 was the worst year in a decade for gay people in Egypt, with at least 150 men arrested or put on trial. Same-sex relationships are not illegal, but gay men are targeted under “debauchery” laws. 

  In a speech this month honoring the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, Mr. Sisi called on Muslim leaders in Egypt to start a “religious revolution” to counter the jihadist message of the Islamic State. He also sent his foreign minister to the solidarity march after the attacks in Paris at the office of the magazine Charlie Hebdo and a kosher supermarket. 

  The contradiction in Mr. Sisi’s aim of keeping the heterosexual, conservative Muslim man at the top of Egypt’s moral hierarchy is glaring. You can’t trump the Islamists in their piety and lead a campaign against minorities like atheists and gay men even as you condemn extremist violence and show solidarity for free speech and free thinking. 

  Despite the clampdown, atheists are openly challenging such hypocrisy. Social media has allowed those who “deviate” from the authoritarian template to find one another and express themselves in ways that the regime, its men of religion and its media otherwise deny them. 

(adapted from nytimes.com, January 27th , 2015 )