Questões de Inglês

FAREWELL AT LAST

 

[1]   Rafael is about to finish his degree at Havana University, but his mind is elsewhere. The finance and economics he is learning are “what they use here
in Cuba”, he explains, ie, not much use anywhere else. Cuba’s socialist government pays for his education but the stipend for living expenses is just $4 a
month, enough for ten meals at the university canteen. Additional lunch money comes from his siblings [irmãos e irmãs], who live abroad. Rafael (not his
real name) wants to go, too. He is looking for scholarships to get a master’s degree in Europe. If he finds one, he plans to stay abroad, where he can earn
real money.
[2]   Rafael is among the many young Cubans who respond to their crimped [restringidos, obstruídos] prospects not by agitating against the system but by
plotting to escape it. He does not oppose Cuba’s communist regime, nor does he take much interest in it. So he is unexcited by a power shift that will make
headlines around the world. On April 19^th Raúl Castro plans to step down as president, bringing to an end nearly 60 years of rule by the family that led the
country’s revolution. Rafael thinks it is time for Mr Castro to go. But “it doesn’t matter to me.”
[3]   It will matter to most of Cuba’s 11 million people, who have no easy way off the island. In a country where transfers of power are rare, the one that will
soon occur [on April 19^th 2018] is momentous. Mr Castro, who is 86, is expected to hand power to the “first” vice-president, Miguel Díaz-Canel. He had not
been born when Raúl’s brother, Fidel Castro, toppled the American-backed dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in 1959. The post-revolutionary generation
will bring a change in style and raise Cubans’ expectations of their government. It is unclear whether the new leaders will meet them.
[4]   Mr Díaz-Canel, an engineer by training, has acquired a reputation for modesty during his quiet three-decade ascent through government and the
Communist Party. As a leader in his home province of Villa Clara, in central Cuba, he rode around on a bicycle rather than in an official car. At the (one-

party) parliamentary elections last month, he queued up with other voters and chatted to the press (Mr Castro zipped in and out of his polling station).
[5]   Mr Díaz-Canel has sometimes seemed more liberal than other party officials. He backed gay rights before it was fashionable. In 2013 he calmed a furore
caused by the censorship of some student bloggers who were critical of the government. He met the students in front of the press and said that in the
internet age “banning something is almost a delusion.”
[6]   His elevation to the presidency will be part of a broader generational change. Several octogenarian conservatives, such as José Ramón Machado Ventura
and Ramiro Valdés, will probably leave the council of state, a body with lawmaking powers. Mr Díaz-Canel is expected to replace government ministers
with his own people.
[7]   But substantive change, if it happens, will not be abrupt. Although la generación histórica will no longer run the government day to day, it will still be
influential. Until 2021 Mr Castro is expected to remain head of the Politburo, which controls the Communist Party and thus the overall direction of policy.
Mr Ventura will remain second-in-command. Mr Díaz-Canel will be only the third most powerful member.
[8]   He may not be the reformer some Cubans are hoping for. 

Adapted from The Economist, April 14th 2018.

With respect to Miguel Díaz-Canel, the information in the article supports all of the following except

FAREWELL AT LAST

 

[1]   Rafael is about to finish his degree at Havana University, but his mind is elsewhere. The finance and economics he is learning are “what they use here
in Cuba”, he explains, ie, not much use anywhere else. Cuba’s socialist government pays for his education but the stipend for living expenses is just $4 a
month, enough for ten meals at the university canteen. Additional lunch money comes from his siblings [irmãos e irmãs], who live abroad. Rafael (not his
real name) wants to go, too. He is looking for scholarships to get a master’s degree in Europe. If he finds one, he plans to stay abroad, where he can earn
real money.
[2]   Rafael is among the many young Cubans who respond to their crimped [restringidos, obstruídos] prospects not by agitating against the system but by
plotting to escape it. He does not oppose Cuba’s communist regime, nor does he take much interest in it. So he is unexcited by a power shift that will make
headlines around the world. On April 19^th Raúl Castro plans to step down as president, bringing to an end nearly 60 years of rule by the family that led the
country’s revolution. Rafael thinks it is time for Mr Castro to go. But “it doesn’t matter to me.”
[3]   It will matter to most of Cuba’s 11 million people, who have no easy way off the island. In a country where transfers of power are rare, the one that will
soon occur [on April 19^th 2018] is momentous. Mr Castro, who is 86, is expected to hand power to the “first” vice-president, Miguel Díaz-Canel. He had not
been born when Raúl’s brother, Fidel Castro, toppled the American-backed dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in 1959. The post-revolutionary generation
will bring a change in style and raise Cubans’ expectations of their government. It is unclear whether the new leaders will meet them.
[4]   Mr Díaz-Canel, an engineer by training, has acquired a reputation for modesty during his quiet three-decade ascent through government and the
Communist Party. As a leader in his home province of Villa Clara, in central Cuba, he rode around on a bicycle rather than in an official car. At the (one-

party) parliamentary elections last month, he queued up with other voters and chatted to the press (Mr Castro zipped in and out of his polling station).
[5]   Mr Díaz-Canel has sometimes seemed more liberal than other party officials. He backed gay rights before it was fashionable. In 2013 he calmed a furore
caused by the censorship of some student bloggers who were critical of the government. He met the students in front of the press and said that in the
internet age “banning something is almost a delusion.”
[6]   His elevation to the presidency will be part of a broader generational change. Several octogenarian conservatives, such as José Ramón Machado Ventura
and Ramiro Valdés, will probably leave the council of state, a body with lawmaking powers. Mr Díaz-Canel is expected to replace government ministers
with his own people.
[7]   But substantive change, if it happens, will not be abrupt. Although la generación histórica will no longer run the government day to day, it will still be
influential. Until 2021 Mr Castro is expected to remain head of the Politburo, which controls the Communist Party and thus the overall direction of policy.
Mr Ventura will remain second-in-command. Mr Díaz-Canel will be only the third most powerful member.
[8]   He may not be the reformer some Cubans are hoping for. 

Adapted from The Economist, April 14th 2018.

According to the information in the article, the transfer of power scheduled for April 19^th will

Text

 

  COPENHAGEN — The Nordic countries regularly appear at the top of an annual list of the world’s happiest nations, but their reputation as “happiness superpowers” masks the difficulties of a significant part of the population, a new analysis shows.

  Finland, Norway, Denmark and Iceland led the 2018 ranking of the World Happiness Report, and Sweden wasn’t far behind, placing ninth. But in the five Nordic countries, an average of 12.3 percent of the population is “struggling” or “suffering,” according to a report by the Nordic Council of Ministers and the Happiness Research Institute in Copenhagen.

  [...]

  The report, based on research conducted from 2012 to 2016, asked people to assess their satisfaction with life on a scale of zero to 10. Those who answered seven or higher were categorized as “thriving,” those who responded five or six were classified as “struggling,” and those who said four or lower were deemed to be “suffering.” Most respondents in the Nordic countries reported satisfaction of seven to nine.

  The Nordic states have a sophisticated social net that means that young people face less pressure regarding education, health or jobs than do many of their peers elsewhere. The countries have some of the world’s highest taxes, but schools and hospitals are free, parental leave is generous, and unemployment benefits and care for the elderly help those no longer working. But with that security and help come expectations to do well, and pressure to be as happy as one’s peers.

  [...]

  The trends highlighted in the report appear to be backed up by various national studies conducted in the region. In Sweden, the number of people with depression increased 20 percent in 10 years, the national board on health and welfare said last year, a rise that was particularly pronounced among the young. In Denmark, people ages 16 to 24 are more lonely than are people in their grandparents’ generation, a national survey of 180,000 people conducted this year by the Danish Health Authority showed.

  Mr. Birkjaer of the Happiness Research Institute noted that a performance culture and the growing use of social media contributed to depression, loneliness and stress.

  “These problems are difficult to solve,” he said. “Let’s say social media are a major cause, then what do we do? Ban them? Something else would come in their place.” [...]

(Source: https://www.nytimes.com, retrieved on September 15, 2018)

What meaning does the expression "parental leave" in the 4th paragraph convey?

Read Text to answer question.

 

The article analyzes the relationship of Indigenous Peoples with the public policy of Social Assistance (AS) in Brazil. Based on data collected during field work carried out in 2014, will analyze the case of the Indigenous Reserve of Dourados, Mato Grosso do Sul. In the first part, I characterize the unequal relationship between society and national state with Indigenous Peoples to, then approach the Welfare State politics as an opportunity to face the violation of rights resulting from the colonial siege. Then we will see if Dourados to illustrate the dilemmas and possibilities of autonomy and indigenous role faced with this public policy. It is expected to contribute to the discussion of statehood pointing concrete cases where the local implementation of AS policy is permeable to a greater or lesser extent, the demands of Indigenous Peoples by adaptation to their social organizations and worldviews.

Keywords: ethnic autonomy; indigenous peoples; public policy; Social Assistance.

(BORGES, Júlio César. Brazilian society has made us poor: Social Assistance and ethnic autonomy of Indigenous Peoples. The case of Dourados, Mato Grosso do Sul. Horiz. antropol. Disponível em: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&pid=S0104- 71832016000200303&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en. Acesso em: 10 nov. 2018).

 

According to Text, translate the sentences correctly: “It is expected to contribute to the discussion of statehood pointing concrete cases where the local implementation of AS policy is permeable to a greater or lesser extent, the demands of Indigenous Peoples by adaptation to their social organizations and worldviews”.

Text

 

  COPENHAGEN — The Nordic countries regularly appear at the top of an annual list of the world’s happiest nations, but their reputation as “happiness superpowers” masks the difficulties of a significant part of the population, a new analysis shows.

  Finland, Norway, Denmark and Iceland led the 2018 ranking of the World Happiness Report, and Sweden wasn’t far behind, placing ninth. But in the five Nordic countries, an average of 12.3 percent of the population is “struggling” or “suffering,” according to a report by the Nordic Council of Ministers and the Happiness Research Institute in Copenhagen.

  [...]

  The report, based on research conducted from 2012 to 2016, asked people to assess their satisfaction with life on a scale of zero to 10. Those who answered seven or higher were categorized as “thriving,” those who responded five or six were classified as “struggling,” and those who said four or lower were deemed to be “suffering.” Most respondents in the Nordic countries reported satisfaction of seven to nine.

  The Nordic states have a sophisticated social net that means that young people face less pressure regarding education, health or jobs than do many of their peers elsewhere. The countries have some of the world’s highest taxes, but schools and hospitals are free, parental leave is generous, and unemployment benefits and care for the elderly help those no longer working. But with that security and help come expectations to do well, and pressure to be as happy as one’s peers.

  [...]

  The trends highlighted in the report appear to be backed up by various national studies conducted in the region. In Sweden, the number of people with depression increased 20 percent in 10 years, the national board on health and welfare said last year, a rise that was particularly pronounced among the young. In Denmark, people ages 16 to 24 are more lonely than are people in their grandparents’ generation, a national survey of 180,000 people conducted this year by the Danish Health Authority showed.

  Mr. Birkjaer of the Happiness Research Institute noted that a performance culture and the growing use of social media contributed to depression, loneliness and stress.

  “These problems are difficult to solve,” he said. “Let’s say social media are a major cause, then what do we do? Ban them? Something else would come in their place.” [...]

(Source: https://www.nytimes.com, retrieved on September 15, 2018)

Select the correct statement(s) according to the text:

 

I A new study shows that the Nordic countries' reputation of "happiness superpowers" unveils the difficulties of a considerable part of their people.

Il The Nordic countries population who answered four or lower, for their satisfaction with life, were disregarded to be "suffering".

III Due to an advanced social system, youth in the Nordic countries are under less distress regarding education, health and jobs than the elderly elsewhere.

IV The tendency emphasized in the report by the Nordic Council of Ministers and the Happiness Research Institute in Copenhagen seems to be supported by several national investigations.

INSTRUÇÃO: Responder à questão com base no texto.

 

TEXT

 

Being a Better Online Reader

 

Soon after Maryanne Wolf published “Proust and the
Squid,” a history of the science and the development
of the reading brain from antiquity to the twenty-first
century, she began to receive letters from readers.
[5] Hundreds of them. While the backgrounds of the
writers varied, a theme began to emerge: the more
reading moved online, the less students seemed to
understand.

 

There were the architects who wrote to her about
[10] students who relied so heavily on ready digital
information that they were unprepared to address
basic problems on-site. There were the neurosurgeons
who worried about the “cut-and-paste chart mentality”
that their students exhibited, missing crucial details
[15] because they failed to delve deeply enough into any
one case. And there were, of course, the English
teachers who lamented that no one wanted to read
Henry James anymore.

 

As the letters continued to pour in, Wolf experienced a
[20] growing realization: reading had changed profoundly.
She called the rude awakening her “Rip van Winkle
moment,” and decided that it was important enough
to warrant another book. What was going on with
these students and professionals? Was the digital
[25] format to blame for their superficial approaches, or
was something else at work?

 

Certainly, as we turn to online reading, the physiology
of the reading process itself shifts; we don’t read the
same way online as we do on paper. Reading involves
[30] factors not usually acknowledged. The contrast of
pixels, the layout of the words, the concept of scrolling
versus turning a page, the physicality of a book versus
the ephemerality of a screen, the ability to hyperlink
and move from source to source within seconds online
[35] – all these variables translate into a different reading
experience.

 

The screen, for one, seems to encourage more
skimming behavior: when we scroll, we tend to read
faster but less deeply, as a way of coping with an
[40] overload of information. On screen, people browse
and scan to look for keywords, and to read in a less
linear, more selective fashion, instead of concentrating
more on just following the text. We become tired from
the constant need to filter out hyperlinks and possible
[45] distractions. And our eyes may grow fatigued from
the constantly shifting screens, layouts, colors, and
contrasts, so the reading approach needs to adjust,
taking mental and physical energy. __________.

 

“As children move more toward an immersion in digital
[50] media, we have to figure out ways to read deeply in
this new environment”, said Wolf. She has decided
that, despite all her training in deep reading, she, too,
needs some outside help. To finish her book, she has
ensconced herself in a small village in France with
[55] shaky mobile reception and shakier Internet. Faced
with the endless distraction of the digital world, she
has chosen to tune out just a bit of it. She’s not going
backward; she’s merely adapting.

Adapted from: https://www.newyorker.com/science/maria-konnikova/being-a-better-online-reader

Consider these segments and their paraphrase in parentheses.

 

I. “the more reading moved online, the less students seemed to understand” (lines 06-08) (the amount of digital texts increased so much that only a small number of students showed understanding)

II. “they were unprepared to address basic problems on-site” (lines 11 and 12) (they were not able to deal with difficulties in the digital world)

III. “all these variables translate into a different reading experience” (lines 35 and 36) (these aspects mean reading online brings about a particular mental operation)

 

The segment(s) adequately paraphrased in parentheses is/are only