Questões de Inglês

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    As France clinched its second-ever World Cup win over Croatia thanks to goals by migrants and a Muslim, fans and onlookers quickly pointed out the need for the country to apply its victories on the field to life off the field.

    Often in the spotlight for its xenophobic and Islamophobic social policies, France didn't seem to mind when it came to good footballers, stocking 78.3 percent of its team with immigrants, a third of whom are Muslim. That was the highest percentage among any qualifying team in this year's World Cup. Immigrants make up 6.8 of France's overall population.

    Of the four goals France scored against Croatia, two were scored by the sons of African immigrants – Paul Pogba, whose parents immigrated from Guinea, and Kylian Mbappe, whose mother is Algerian and father is Cameroonian.

    Pogba is a practicing Muslim, along with six of his teammates including starting midfielder N'Golo Kante.

    Only a third of the World Cup champion team has white-European ancestry, and less than a quarter have French ancestry.

    Football fans quickly took to Twitter on Sunday evening to call on France to put an end to its “hypocrisy” and acknowledge the foundational, positive role immigrants and Muslims play in developing its society. […]

    France’s win on Sunday was its first in 20 years, after winning on its home turf in 1998. It was the highest-scoring final since England beat West Germany 4-2 after extra-time in 1966 and the highest in normal time since Brazil beat Sweden 5-2 60 years ago.

Source: https://www.dailysabah.com/football/2018/07/15/calls-for-france-to-end-xenophobia-islamophobia-as-migrant muslim-players-clinch-world-cup-win

Leia o texto a seguir para responder à questão.

    As France clinched its second-ever World Cup win over Croatia thanks to goals by migrants and a Muslim, fans and onlookers quickly pointed out the need for the country to apply its victories on the field to life off the field.

    Often in the spotlight for its xenophobic and Islamophobic social policies, France didn't seem to mind when it came to good footballers, stocking 78.3 percent of its team with immigrants, a third of whom are Muslim. That was the highest percentage among any qualifying team in this year's World Cup. Immigrants make up 6.8 of France's overall population.

    Of the four goals France scored against Croatia, two were scored by the sons of African immigrants – Paul Pogba, whose parents immigrated from Guinea, and Kylian Mbappe, whose mother is Algerian and father is Cameroonian.

    Pogba is a practicing Muslim, along with six of his teammates including starting midfielder N'Golo Kante.

    Only a third of the World Cup champion team has white-European ancestry, and less than a quarter have French ancestry.

    Football fans quickly took to Twitter on Sunday evening to call on France to put an end to its “hypocrisy” and acknowledge the foundational, positive role immigrants and Muslims play in developing its society. […]

    France’s win on Sunday was its first in 20 years, after winning on its home turf in 1998. It was the highest-scoring final since England beat West Germany 4-2 after extra-time in 1966 and the highest in normal time since Brazil beat Sweden 5-2 60 years ago.

Source: https://www.dailysabah.com/football/2018/07/15/calls-for-france-to-end-xenophobia-islamophobia-as-migrant muslim-players-clinch-world-cup-win

Leia o texto a seguir para responder à questão.

    As France clinched its second-ever World Cup win over Croatia thanks to goals by migrants and a Muslim, fans and onlookers quickly pointed out the need for the country to apply its victories on the field to life off the field.

    Often in the spotlight for its xenophobic and Islamophobic social policies, France didn't seem to mind when it came to good footballers, stocking 78.3 percent of its team with immigrants, a third of whom are Muslim. That was the highest percentage among any qualifying team in this year's World Cup. Immigrants make up 6.8 of France's overall population.

    Of the four goals France scored against Croatia, two were scored by the sons of African immigrants – Paul Pogba, whose parents immigrated from Guinea, and Kylian Mbappe, whose mother is Algerian and father is Cameroonian.

    Pogba is a practicing Muslim, along with six of his teammates including starting midfielder N'Golo Kante.

    Only a third of the World Cup champion team has white-European ancestry, and less than a quarter have French ancestry.

    Football fans quickly took to Twitter on Sunday evening to call on France to put an end to its “hypocrisy” and acknowledge the foundational, positive role immigrants and Muslims play in developing its society. […]

    France’s win on Sunday was its first in 20 years, after winning on its home turf in 1998. It was the highest-scoring final since England beat West Germany 4-2 after extra-time in 1966 and the highest in normal time since Brazil beat Sweden 5-2 60 years ago.

Source: https://www.dailysabah.com/football/2018/07/15/calls-for-france-to-end-xenophobia-islamophobia-as-migrant muslim-players-clinch-world-cup-win

TEXT

  With the objective of promoting literacy all over the world, the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) created, on September 8, the International Literacy Day. Nevertheless, five decades later, estimates point to a worldwide total of 738 million persons who cannot read or write. In Brazil, they were 13 million in 2015, according to data from the National Household Sample Survey (Pnad 2015).

PNAD shows that the illiteracy rate (percentage of illiterate persons by age group in the total number of persons in the same group) fell from 11.5%, in 2004, to 8%, in 2015. Illiteracy is more concentrated in the Northeast Region, where the rate reaches 16.2%, way above the figure in the South, 4.1%. Older groups record higher illiteracy rates: 25.7% among persons aged 65 and over, versus 0.8% in the group aged 15 to 19.

One of the solutions to change this situation is the Youth and Adult Education Program (Peja), attended by 26,230 students in the city of Rio de Janeiro alone, according to the Municipal Secretariat of Education. “Peja has a diversity of students”, says Fatima Valente, director of the Youth and Adult Education Municipal Reference Center (Creja). Due to that diversity, our classes fulfill different needs. “We do not have working students, we have workers who study. That’s why our schedule cannot be the same as in regular education”.

These programs have helped change the lives of many people, like Luciana Muniz, age 35, and Antônio Alves, age 65, both Peja students. Luciana states that having no education has been very humiliating. “At church I could never take part in Bible reading, and that made me sad”. Today she is very active in Church, wishes to keep on studying, to graduate in Gastronomy and dreams of opening up her own company. Antônio, in turn, quit studying to work in crops at the age of 7, and now says he will not stop again. “I study at home too. My wife finds it funny that I’m always holding a book. I can even read the small print on TV.”

(Fragment available on http://ojs.uwindsor.ca/ojs/leddy/index.php/informal_logic/article)

TEXT

  As recent as the mid-2000s, when it came to be used in relation to satirical TV shows such as The Daily Show (which has been airing since 1996) and The Colbert Report (2005- 2014), the term ‘fake news’ even had a mildly progressive ring to it. Mimicking the spin and double-speak of politicians and corporations, which often goes unchallenged on mainstream news media, this TV format has been credited with “conveying real messages”: “As fake news, it satirizes traditional news by reporting in a style similar to network and cable TV news, but it amplifies their biases, mistakes, and deficiencies to ensure that viewers hear them loud and clear” (Gettings 2007, pp. 26- 27). Throughout, “various cues let the audience draw the line pretty clearly between the fake and the real, and the moderately attentive viewer leaves the show better informed about the world, especially the political climate and current state of the media” (ibid.). In satirizing the shortcomings of traditional news media, the “fake news” of The Daily Show “necessitates assumptions about some kind of authentic or legitimate set of news practices” (Baym 2005, p. 262); in other words, it presupposes a certain level of media literacy on the part of its viewers. Instead, it has come to be associated with (often anonymous) sources that spread falsehoods by manipulating their consumers’ emotions and tapping into deeply held partisan beliefs. Indeed, legitimate concerns about the trustworthiness of (putative) news sources, which originally motivated the introduction of the term ‘fake news’, are at risk of being drowned out by tactical usage of the phrase in order to cast aspersions on legitimate news organizations. Thus, as Matthew Dentith has recently argued, “the threat that is accusations of ‘That’s just fake news’ comes out of worries that it is […] merely a rhetorical device used by the powerful to crush dissent” (2017, p. 65). Dentith even goes so far as to define fake news as “an allegation that some story is misleading” (p. 66; italics added). On this account, ‘fake news’ would refer not to the misleading claim itself, but to an appeal to the allegedly misleading nature of a claim—that is, it would be a rhetorical device for undermining a given claim’s authoritative status by alleging that it “lacks some context or additional piece of information which, when revealed, undermines either its truth value, or saliency to some broader claim” (ibid). While I find Dentith’s suggestion intriguing, I do believe it puts the cart before the horse: arguably, both historically and as a sociocultural phenomenon, the emergence of fake news as a genre of purported factual assertions preceded the emergence of the epithet ‘fake news’ as a tactical way of slandering one’s opponents. I shall briefly return to this point in Section 5. For now, in what follows, the main focus will be on fake news as a class of purportedly factual claims that are epistemically deficient (in a way that needs to be specified), rather than as an accusatory speech act.

(Fragment from “Fake News: A Definition”, by Exel Gelfert, Informal Logic, Vol.38, N°.1, pp. 84-117, 2018. URL: http://ojs.uwindsor.ca/ojs/leddy/index.php/informal_logic/article)

TEXT

  As recent as the mid-2000s, when it came to be used in relation to satirical TV shows such as The Daily Show (which has been airing since 1996) and The Colbert Report (2005- 2014), the term ‘fake news’ even had a mildly progressive ring to it. Mimicking the spin and double-speak of politicians and corporations, which often goes unchallenged on mainstream news media, this TV format has been credited with “conveying real messages”: “As fake news, it satirizes traditional news by reporting in a style similar to network and cable TV news, but it amplifies their biases, mistakes, and deficiencies to ensure that viewers hear them loud and clear” (Gettings 2007, pp. 26- 27). Throughout, “various cues let the audience draw the line pretty clearly between the fake and the real, and the moderately attentive viewer leaves the show better informed about the world, especially the political climate and current state of the media” (ibid.). In satirizing the shortcomings of traditional news media, the “fake news” of The Daily Show “necessitates assumptions about some kind of authentic or legitimate set of news practices” (Baym 2005, p. 262); in other words, it presupposes a certain level of media literacy on the part of its viewers. Instead, it has come to be associated with (often anonymous) sources that spread falsehoods by manipulating their consumers’ emotions and tapping into deeply held partisan beliefs. Indeed, legitimate concerns about the trustworthiness of (putative) news sources, which originally motivated the introduction of the term ‘fake news’, are at risk of being drowned out by tactical usage of the phrase in order to cast aspersions on legitimate news organizations. Thus, as Matthew Dentith has recently argued, “the threat that is accusations of ‘That’s just fake news’ comes out of worries that it is […] merely a rhetorical device used by the powerful to crush dissent” (2017, p. 65). Dentith even goes so far as to define fake news as “an allegation that some story is misleading” (p. 66; italics added). On this account, ‘fake news’ would refer not to the misleading claim itself, but to an appeal to the allegedly misleading nature of a claim—that is, it would be a rhetorical device for undermining a given claim’s authoritative status by alleging that it “lacks some context or additional piece of information which, when revealed, undermines either its truth value, or saliency to some broader claim” (ibid). While I find Dentith’s suggestion intriguing, I do believe it puts the cart before the horse: arguably, both historically and as a sociocultural phenomenon, the emergence of fake news as a genre of purported factual assertions preceded the emergence of the epithet ‘fake news’ as a tactical way of slandering one’s opponents. I shall briefly return to this point in Section 5. For now, in what follows, the main focus will be on fake news as a class of purportedly factual claims that are epistemically deficient (in a way that needs to be specified), rather than as an accusatory speech act.

(Fragment from “Fake News: A Definition”, by Exel Gelfert, Informal Logic, Vol.38, N°.1, pp. 84-117, 2018. URL: http://ojs.uwindsor.ca/ojs/leddy/index.php/informal_logic/article)